Minds of the Movement
An ICNC blog on the people and power of civil resistance
Credit: Tennaphotography.
Generating worldwide headlines, the popular #GotaGoHome movement in Sri Lanka just last week forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to step down. I addressed how this movement emerged in my previous blog post. I now want to now discuss tactics the protesters are using and the challenges they face as they continue to push for a fully functioning democratic government. The road will be a long one: Parliament just today elected Ranil Wickremesinghe, a loyal ally of ousted president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, as the new president.
Beyond social media: Movement headquarters for unity, legitimacy
The movement’s first nonviolent tactic was expression of grievances via social media platforms such as Facebook, Tiktok, Instagram, and Twitter to expose the alleged corruption and crimes of the now former regime.
In particular, protesters ran a very effective campaign called #SirFail to establish the failure of the ex-president to deliver on his promises. Protesters have also used digital tools such as WhatsApp, Viber, and Telegram to communicate, coordinate, and organize offline actions. Live-streaming via social media during protests has been a common practice among protesters as a way to document possible government crackdown and also to gather public support.
The impact of these actions is evidenced by the fact that Gotabaya’s government banned social media access countrywide on April 3. However, this action backfired, and the next day, he revised the decision amid mass protests.
Although the movement began to mobilize people through social media, online organizing mixed with offline action, and public demonstrations took place across the country. Earlier in 2022, farmers around Sri Lanka organized demonstrations to protest the government’s failed agriculture policies. University students have been protesting in large numbers across the country to oppose the proposed privatization of public education. Opposition parties, civil society organizations, and various other groups also organized demonstrations with varying frequency and turnout. The #GotaGoHome campaign which began in January 2022 ultimately served as an umbrella coalition for all of these groups to converge and carry out joint protests, increasing the numbers drastically.
Nonviolent occupation has been a particularly powerful tactic for this movement. By blocking the entrance to the presidential secretariat, occupying Galle Face Green Park, and renaming the site “GotaGoGama” in early April, the movement provided a symbolic and physical center for the movement. Numerous other similar sites also popped up around the country. These sites provided inspiration, a model to follow, and even served as operational headquarters. Giving the movement a “brick and mortar” so-to-speak seems to have lent the movement greater acceptance, legitimacy, and power in the eyes of Sri Lankans.
Unions and other groups have engaged in strikes and picketing since the beginning of 2022. GotaGoGama sites in Colombo and other regions have come to serve as locations for workers to meet and organize. Marches have been very common in Colombo and in other cities, with anecdotal estimates at more than 100 marches since the beginning of 2022.
Finally, #GotaGoHome has used public mockery and humiliation to turn what previously was a very positive public opinion of Rajapaksa family members in the government into an extremely negative one, as the political and economic crisis unfolded in the country. Protesters have booed members of the Rajapaksa family away from public events and obstructed their movement within the country and their attempts to flee the country. Some protesters, not necessarily acting within the boundaries of nonviolent discipline, also damaged property belonging to Rajapaksa family members.
Repression, leadership, and other challenges
GotaGoHome protester on July 17, 2022. The movement against political corruption and for a more united Sri Lanka has largely been youth-led. Credit: Tennaphotography.
The police have been cracking down on #GotaGoHome protesters, particularly at GotaGoGama sites (but now that Gotabaya has stepped down, we may begin seeing defections within the police force). Moreover, while the movement has succeeded at ousting the president, Parliament just today elected Ranil Wickramasinghe, Gotabaya's loyal ally and now former Prime Minister. There are indications that Wickramasinghe is trying to mobilize the military and police to provoke violence and suppress the movement. It is therefore important for activists to maintain nonviolent discipline in the new phase of the movement.
A second obstacle for the movement has been grappling with distributed leadership. #GotaGoHome has had no clearly appointed leaders, which differentiates it from conventional organizations and political parties. The movement was organized by relatively unknown, young Sri Lankans who practiced the concept of “distributed leadership” where every member of the movement is considered a leader for a given context. This worked very effectively in the first phase by providing protection to the members as well as promoting a culture of solidarity inside the movement. However, in the new phase, it will be important to engage and negotiate with stakeholders (political parties and the international community, for example). Therefore, some sort of clearly defined leadership structure will be required. This may lead to some internal conflict and confusion among key members of the movement.
Next steps: From the streets to the corridors, a clear movement vision...
#GotaGoHome protesters on July 9, 2022. One challenge facing the movement will be transitioning from predominantly street-based actions to building political alliances press for democratic change from the inside. Credit: Crystal Baines Twitter account.
It has proven challenging for #GotaGoHome to build alliances with political parties in the country. Up to today, the movement has been operating as an extra-parliamentary, non-partisan people’s organization taking decisions independently of any institution. It will be important for the movement to build alliances with other players in the country, including main political parties. The movement will need different skill sets (i.e. negotiation and diplomacy). It could be a challenge for some young members to acquire such skills in a short time period.
What is clear is that the movement will need to maintain nonviolent discipline and develop strategic planning—common pitfalls for nonviolent movements throughout history. #GotaGoHome has evolved primarily as a “movement of love” with messages appealing to emotions, passion, and art. This has been a very successful approach thus far. However, to sustain the movement in the future—indeed, it has only just begun—activists should seek nonviolent discipline and strategic planning training. They may also want to learn lessons from political transitions in other countries as well as successful anti-corruption efforts.
A final challenge to highlight for now is managing the economic crisis. Sri Lanka’s current economic crisis was the key reason for the movement’s emergence in the first place. Ordinary Sri Lankans will expect quick solutions to their economic hardships. If/when the new regime is further dismantled, naturally the people will look up to the #GotaGoHome movement for those solutions. Therefore, the movement must devise a strategy in consultation with relevant parties to concretely address the people’s grievances.
Will #GotaGoHome activists be able to sustain the movement beyond this initial protest phase? It will depend on many factors, but laying out a clear vision for a better, and achievable, economic model for Sri Lanka, a better institutional set-up, and more democratic organizational structures will be crucial. So many nonviolent movements before them have fallen short of this key step in driving a country in political transition down the road to democracy—not democratic backsliding.
