En 2022, j’ai été personnellement menacé d’arrestation, de torture, de mort et de disparition de mon corps. Dans un échange téléphonique entre le président de Djibouti et son puissant chef de la police dont le contenu avait fuité dans la presse, le président de la République ordonnait mon arrestation, une manipulation de mon identité, ma torture et me menaçait d’une balle dans la tête. Le redoutable patron de la police nationale manifestait sa prompte disponibilité à l’exécution des ordres avec l’assurance de la disparition de mon corps. […]

Social movements frequently confuse mobilization with organizing. Mobilization gathers people for a specific event or street demonstration. High turnout at a rally creates short-term public visibility, yet large gatherings can leave behind no lasting structure once the crowd disperses. Mobilization produces visible moments that often fail to generate long-term change. Organizing builds durable capacity. It converts brief moments of public outrage into stable relationships, shared skills, structured roles, and accumulated power. […]

I was five or six years old when I first understood the price of opposing the government in my country. That night, soldiers from Moundou and N’Djamena had surrounded Beinanmar, my hometown in southern Chad. They were searching for activists from the URD, a party fiercely opposed to the ruling regime. My older brother Jean-Claude was on their list. Alerted in time, he managed to flee to Cameroon. Others were not so lucky: uncles and cousins, taken away and then executed just outside the village. […]

Les mouvements sociaux confondent souvent mobilisation et organisation. La mobilisation rassemble des personnes pour un événement spécifique ou une manifestation de rue. Une forte participation à un rassemblement assure une visibilité publique à court terme, mais les grands rassemblements ne laissent souvent aucune structure durable une fois la foule dispersée. La mobilisation produit des moments visibles qui ne parviennent souvent pas à générer un changement à long terme. L’organisation, quant à elle, renforce les capacités à long terme. Elle convertit de brefs moments d’indignation publique en relations stables, en compétences partagées, en rôles structurés et en pouvoir accumulé. […]

En 2015, à l’université de N’Djamena, naissait IYINA, « nous sommes fatigués » en arabe local. C’était le plus grand mouvement de jeunes jamais vu dans le pays : une mobilisation éclair sur tout le territoire, portée par des étudiants, des artistes, la société civile. Nous étions la génération qui refusait l’héritage monarchique des Déby.[…]

The idea for this mission arose from a previous experience of mine. In 2011, at the “Ayette Conference,” the ETA (Basque separatists) began its public process of renouncing arms. Basque activists then benefited from the first-hand testimonies of other armed groups regarding their own processes of laying down arms: the ANC in South Africa and the IRA in Ireland, in particular. I was aware of the positive impact these testimonies had on the long process of disarming. […]

How do I begin a story I wish I never had to write? I ask myself this not to break the curse of the blank page—I genuinely do not know. Just like four years ago I did not know the difference between the sound of a russian missile being shot down versus the sound of one hitting its target. Being Ukrainian now means learning things you never thought you would need. And doing things you never thought you had the guts to do. […]

At dawn in Nairobi’s informal settlements, water is already being bought and sold—often at prices higher than in the city’s wealthiest neighborhoods. For many residents, access to water begins not with a tap, but with a transaction. Yet these daily experiences of exclusion have also produced resistance. Across Kenya, grassroots organizations, women’s collectives, and social justice centres are organizing to challenge unfair pricing, defend shared water sources, and push for more accountable and equitable water systems. […]

Après 3 longues et dures années de préparation, la mission de paix en Casamance a finalement eu lieu en novembre 2025. Txetx, militant indépendantiste depuis des dizaines d’années, en était l’acteur principal. Il fût parmi les militants basques les plus impliqués dans le processus de désarmement de l’ETA notamment au sein des « Artisans de la paix ». […]

I am writing these lines from a place where beauty and fear coexist. Protecting the Vohibola forest has been part of my life for years, and yet every day I wonder how long it is possible to hold out without losing oneself. I continue because giving up would be more painful than fear.

In eastern Madagascar, on the edge of the Indian Ocean, the Vohibola coastal forest is one of the last remaining intact forests of its kind. For local communities, it is not just an ecosystem to be preserved.  […]

J’écris ces lignes depuis un endroit où la beauté et la peur coexistent. Protéger la forêt de Vohibola fait partie de ma vie depuis des années, et pourtant, chaque jour, je me demande jusqu’où il est possible de tenir sans se perdre soi-même. Je continue parce que renoncer serait plus douloureux que la peur.

À l’est de Madagascar, en bordure de l’océan Indien, la forêt littorale de Vohibola est l’une des dernières forêts de ce type encore intactes. […]

In Europe’s not-so-distant history, and presently in Ukraine, ordinary people are proactively defending their freedom, human dignity, and security beyond the military ecosystem. This inaugural issue of Across Fault Lines shows that there exists a “narrow, dangerous, uncertain but very real path towards a better world”, in the words of famed graphic novelist Xavier Dorison. That path is civil resistance, widespread in Ukraine since 2022, yet poorly documented and largely misunderstood beyond its borders. […]

“My generation thought that the Soviet Union collapsed bloodlessly and were really proud of it. So were the politicians in Europe and the U.S. In fact, the Soviet Union is only collapsing now, and this collapse is very bloody. And this blood already starts to spill into Europe. Thanks to Ukraine, it has not yet been flooded—but a war an Interrail trip away is a war at your doorstep. My role as a European, French, Slav, who bears the heritage of the perpetrator and the victim at the same time, is to reclaim what my Russian grandmother tried to erase from my family: the Ukrainian part of myself. […]”

Despite our invisibility, I still believe that our European neighbors have as much to learn from Ukraine’s unarmed defenders as they do from our armed ones. In any case, we are inseparable due to our shared humanity. Many Ukrainian NGOs help our armed forces with supplies, donations, and support, because they need our help too. Civil-military relations are difficult for some outsiders to understand, particularly those driven by pacifist ideology. Simply put, war is awful, and everything about war is controversial–what is essential is doing your part and staying human. […]

“Ukraine’s resistance in 2022 was not built in 2022. It was built through the painful lessons of 2014, through volunteer mobilization, and through years of institutional reform. Civil society worked by not only filling immediate capability gaps through mobilization and solidarity, but by building long-term institutional capacity through law, oversight, compliance, and governance reform. That is the quiet frontline. And it is one of the reasons Ukraine still stands. […]”

Long before civil resistance was formalized as a field of research and political strategy, Vercors’s Silence of the Sea and John Steinbeck’s The Moon is Down offered a remarkable literary intuition.

Published in 1942, Silence of the Sea and The Moon is Down are situated within this historical moment when military occupation seemed permanent, armed victory unattainable, and the question of possible forms of civil resistance, without weapons, was acutely posed. […]

Two decades before the US scholar Gene Sharp impulsed strategic nonviolent conflict into an academic discipline, American literary figure John Steinbeck penned a human-sized fable about dignity and the collective power which derives from people’s desire to remain free. From a reading of his book 84 years later we can distill many hard lessons for everyone: from the defense establishment to pacificists and humanitarian actors. […]

The transformation of contemporary conflicts reflects the profound crisis of the international order. The intensification of hybrid warfare—characterized by the combined use of non-military tactics, technological tools, and multidimensional strategies operating in the so-called “grey zone”—challenges traditional security frameworks and constrains state responses. Instruments such as disinformation, cyber warfare, and economic coercion do not operate in isolation; they aim to destabilize from within, eroding social cohesion and paralyzing institutional responses. […]

Since 2022, Russia’s war of aggression has unleashed overlapping crises—attacks on civilians, destruction of infrastructure, mass displacement, and economic downturn. Many assume such emergencies demand strict central control. Ukraine’s experience shows the opposite: resilience has come from polycentric governance—state and non-state actors working together, drawing on local knowledge, pooling resources, and strengthening social cohesion. […]

Russia’s war against Ukraine is widely described as a war of attrition, fought not only on the battlefield, but across political, economic, social, and informational domains. In such a war, national survival depends on more than the strength of the armed forces. It also depends on whether society itself can withstand prolonged pressure, adapt under extreme conditions, and recover while the conflict is still ongoing. In Ukraine, civil society has become a decisive factor in this struggle. […]

As the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine enters its fifth year, Ukrainian resistance has mostly been viewed through the prism of its military capabilities. Yet, Ukrainian resistance goes far beyond the battlefield fronts, and the Ukrainian diaspora has played an essential role in the resistance by countering narratives, channeling resources, and mobilizing non-Ukrainian actors to their cause through protests, lobbying, academia, culture, and social media. […]

“Between 2004 and 2018, I covered Russia’s war and the aftermath in Chechnya. On the way to and from Grozny, my childhood friends often called me a killjoy at their parties in Moscow, when I shared the stories from the field and said that the Russian war machine was using Chechnya as a training ground to then expand beyond the borders. I wish I had been wrong. But when I heard the first reports of the Bucha massacre in 2022, it vividly reminded me of my nightmares based on testimonies collected in Chechnya. But now my uncle Samuil and other family members were part of these nightmares. […]”

Three years ago, a tragedy ignited one of the most powerful civil movements in Iran’s modern history. In September 2022, Mahsa (Jina) Amini, a young Kurdish woman, was arrested by Iran’s so-called morality police for what the Islamic Republic deemed an “improper hijab.” She died in custody under suspicious circumstances, and her death sparked nationwide outrage. […]

En avril 2018, un groupe de manifestants, pour la plupart des personnes âgées, ont été sauvagement agressés par des forces de choc adeptes du gouvernement nicaraguayen. Il s’agissait de civils armés avec la liberté de réprimer, même en présence des forces de police. La manifestation pacifique avait pour but de rejeter les réformes du système de retraite de l’Institut nicaraguayen de la sécurité sociale (INSS). La répression a fait des centaines de morts, des prisonniers politiques, des exilés, des estropiés et des étudiants expulsés des universités. Cet événement a déclenché le soulèvement populaire dans tout le pays. […]

Nonviolent struggle requires a lot of emotional intelligence and spiritual strength. Non-cooperation as a method of struggle refers to actions through which citizens, deliberately and consciously, withdraw their support for economic and social cooperation activities. Specifically, economic noncooperation (boycotts and strikes) is refusing to buy, sell, handle, or distribute specific goods and services.[…]

The Ugandan state branded it a ‘common nuisance,’ but this nude protest, echoing the 1929 Nigerian Women’s War, wielded cultural defiance to expose forty years of authoritarianism under Yoweri Museveni. It was the language spoken by tired citizens. The language of the unheard. It was a radical act by three young women, slapping decades of injustice and shame onto the walls of the Ugandan parliament. It was a cursing ceremony to say, enough is enough. […]

The Karibu Residence is an initiative of the Senegalese civil society movement Y en a Marre. The name Karibu, which means “welcome” in Swahili, the most widely spoken language in Africa, captures the philosophy of this program, which is steeped in the tradition of Senegalese hospitality. It is intended to be a place of refuge and respite for activists in distress.  But much more than a place of shelter, it is a holistic, integrated program designed to make exile not a graveyard of the convictions and ambitions of exilées, but a springboard to recharge their batteries, reinvent themselves, and continue to pursue their ideals—even far from home.[…]

La maison Karibu est une initiative du mouvement de la société civile sénégalaise Y en a Marre. Le nom Karibu, qui veut dire « bienvenue » en Swahili, la langue la plus parlée en Afrique, résume en lui seul toute la philosophie de ce programme totalement trempée dans la tradition d’hospitalité sénégalaise. Il se veut un lieu d’accueil et de répit pour militants en détresse.  Mais bien plus qu’un simple lieu d’accueil et d’hébergement, il s’agit de tout un programme global intégré qui vise à faire de l’exil, non pas un tombeau des convictions et autres ambitions de l’exilé, mais plutôt un tremplin qui lui permette de se ressourcer, de se réinventer et pouvoir poursuivre toujours ses idéaux, même étant loin de sa résidence habituelle.[…]

Femicide in Kenya is not just a crisis, it is a declaration of societal failure. Behind every woman murdered is a trail of state inaction, broken systems, and silenced voices. While the government’s response has long been characterized by neglect and indifference, communities and movements like Kongamano La Mapinduzi (KLM) are stepping in where institutions have failed. Today, the most urgent strategy in confronting this epidemic is community-led rapid response, a grassroots-based approach of protection, documentation, and resistance. […]

With a median age of just 16.9 years, Uganda’s population is only second to Niger as the youngest in the world. Despite this enormous demographic advantage, Uganda’s youths have mostly been absent from driving the destiny of their country. According to the country’s leading independent newspaper, as of 2020, the average age in the national cabinet was 65 years! On top of that, the president – who is seeking re-election – is now 80 years old, and has been in power since 1986. However, holding political office is not the only place young Ugandans are inconspicuous. […]

Afrikki is much more than a space for solidarity, action, and training. The network brings activists out of their solitude. They often fight for dreams and take considerable risks. In their communities, they are considered utopian, chronically dissatisfied, or perpetually angry. Within the Afrikki network, they find people who are like them, understand them, support them, and with whom they can discuss freely and respectfully. To speak for myself: I find a lot of my identities grouped together when I am with Afrikki. I no longer make much distinction between being a mother and being an activist, because within the network I’m also a mother; I can no longer not be one. I’m also an activist, because I can no longer not be one. […]

Afrikki est bien plus qu’un espace de solidarité, d’action et de formation. Le réseau sort les activistes de leur solitude. Ils se battent souvent pour des rêves et prennent des risques considérables. Dans leurs communautés, ils sont considérés comme utopiques, insatisfaits chroniques ou perpétuellement en colère. Au sein du réseau Afrikki, ils retrouvent des personnes qui leur ressemblent, les comprennent, les soutiennent et avec qui ils peuvent discuter librement et dans le respect. Pour parler en mon nom propre : je retrouve beaucoup de mes identités regroupés. Je ne fais plus beaucoup de différences entre être mère et être activiste, parce qu’au sein du réseau je suis aussi mère ; je ne peux plus NE PAS l’être. Je suis en même temps activiste, parce que je ne peux plus NE PAS l’être. […]

In ongoing tension, Balochistan province in Pakistan witnessed the deadliest attacks in the first quarter of 2025. The hijacking of the Jaffar Express train by the Balochistan Liberation Army caught everyone by surprise. The train was carrying approximately 440 passengers from Quetta to Peshawar. Also perhaps a surprise, a nonviolent struggle for Baloch rights has emerged from this situation, becoming a source of hope for the Baloch people. […]

As the recent tensions with India left many of us on edge—emotionally, physically, spiritually—I saw something beautiful rise from the cracks: humor that cuts through fear, creativity that brings color to our wounds, and a kind of shared care that reminds us we are never alone. Neighbors making jokes over chai, artists sketching satire onto Instagram reels, children reenacting peace talks in schoolyards, and mothers cracking the kind of jokes only grief can shape. Some might say we laugh to avoid pain. But here, in this land of dust and devotion, we laugh to survive it. […]

While armed conflicts were once fought on the front lines, today social media has become a parallel battlefield. Without bombs, rifles or machetes, social media now allows anti-democratic parties to manipulate opinion, spread false narratives, and harass and demonize activists, journalists and researchers who do not share their narratives. In this regard, the current conflict in Congo offers a telling example of the nature and scope of online disinformation, as well as the strategies that peace activists can adopt to counter it. […]

During a three-year judicial training in Poland, I was taught how to deal with different cases as a judge. I had to pass a very difficult judicial exam knowing all Supreme Court case law in criminal and civil law. Nobody, however, taught me how to deal with populists, how to defend judicial independence, or how to communicate with the public in accessible language. Much less how to combat politicians’ lies and their attacks on courts. […]

I’m sitting by the window in my office, in front of my computer. The chirping of birds and the backfire of a motorcycle are not enough to cover the explosions of heavy weapons nearby, up in the hills above Kenscoff, in Obléon, less than 5 kilometers away. The armed gangs launched their first attack on Kenscoff on January 27, 2025, in the Belot area. There, they massacred farmers and burned down their homes. […]

How has writing changed my life? Sharing my passion for writing about activism. Arusha, December 2024. Credit: Amber French.I had a very unconventional upbringing. I was born in 1974 in South Africa during the Apartheid era. At the time my mother was a domestic worker for a white Jewish family. The dynamics of being brought up through a white lens while my mother lived in the back room as the maid created many internal crises. The country, law and society reinforced the insolence that white is right, and for many decades I believed and adopted that internal racism […]

“As an activist and writer who uses storytelling as a revolutionary tool, I’ve faced much criticism, even from activist circles. Some label us cowards, frauds, or too safe, claiming that real resistance happens only in the streets. But how can they ignore the countless comrades who have been arrested, tortured, or disappeared because of their writing? How can anyone call this form of resistance cowardly when so many have been forced into exile, torn away from their motherlands and loved ones for daring to speak truth to power? […]”

In a post last fall, I argue that current NGO storytelling practices are rooted in a Western international development frame. Whether this is harmful or not in theory or based on some ideal/ideology is not the subject of this follow-up post. In any case, our work as movement supporters doesn’t happen in a vacuum; it happens in the real world. What I do know, however, is that many movement supporters lack the civil resistance frame in their work […]

My journey to where I am now—an activist in exile, a wanted “extremist” and part of something greater, started in confusion and isolation but has led to a strong sense of belonging and responsibility. We still have a long way to go in laying the foundation for democracy in Russia, but at least we have started—and I am living proof of that. […]

“To the outside observer, some places may seem hopeless and completely lost. It looks like nothing good comes out of them and there should be no faith in their future. I come from such a place, and my organization fights for it. The Youth Democratic Movement Vesna (“Spring” in Russian) was created in 2013 in Saint Petersburg. For the first eight years of its existence, it was a relatively small (nevertheless, ambitious) youth organization with a focus on local and countrywide issues, and with the main goal of introducing youth to political action in the highly atomized and apolitical Russian society. […]”

NGO ‘storytelling’ typically focuses on the more personal aspects of activism, often from a Western frame of international development. This approach is of course valuable in many ways. Engaging in activism is a very intense personal experience, one that often includes dedication, strength, resilience, pain and loss. Storytelling helps humanize people—activists—who oppressors do everything in their power to dehumanize. Telling their own ‘stories’ to an international readership helps activists build bridges to reinforce conscientious external support. And in my experience, many human rights defenders want to tell their stories. Yet the predominant storytelling practices only harness part of what activist writing and activist-writers are capable of. […]

I’ve often pondered what motivates someone to risk their freedom, safety and even their life, for the sake of rights and justice. Why do they persist when the fight seems endless? What sustains them when fear and exhaustion threaten to take over? The “Voices of Resilience” blog series attempts to explore these questions through the personal activism journeys of five remarkable women human rights defenders from Southeast Asia. These women are not just activists; they are daughters, sisters, mothers and friends who have faced personal tragedy, persecution and forced exile, but refused to give up. […]

As the youngest daughter in my family, my parents had always been concerned about the risks of my involvement in activism. While protesting in my home country of Myanmar after the 2021 coup, I faced pressure from male protesters who suggested that, as a woman, I should prioritize my safety and stay away from frontline strikes. So, the phrase “Dare to Cross or Cross to Dare” resonated deeply with me when I was forced to flee Myanmar in late 2022 due to my nonviolent activism against the military regime. […]

“I was eight when I overheard Dad persuading Mama to employ the daughter of an impoverished client as household help. She would work without pay, in exchange for her father’s lawyer fees. We didn’t need household help, but Mama agreed when Dad explained it would mean “one less mouth to feed” for his client’s family. She was hired, with salary. I later understood the disturbing gap between social classes when I pursued a progressive education. But my learning wasn’t confined to the classroom. Conversations with one of my elder brothers enriched my education, from which emerged a strong desire for equality, truth and justice in my country. […]”

I will forever remember that hot, early-summer morning in February 2021. I was at the market near my apartment in Yangon, waiting for Shan noodles for breakfast. The breeze whispered that the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) had taken power over the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. I quietly finished my breakfast, shocked at the unexpected development, unaware of what it truly meant to live in a country undergoing a coup. When I got home from the market […]

“When I decided to become an activist, I didn’t stop writing. I initiated the Migrant Workers Writing Movement (Gerakan Buruh Migran Menulis) with Migrant CARE and discovered the incredible stories of women migrant workers and their families. Since then, I have gradually understood feminism and gender injustice, not from fancy theoretical concepts but from the experiences of the people I met. At that moment, I knew exactly my path in fighting for what was most relevant to me: women’s liberation. […]”

A powerful movement for the defense and protection of water has been brewing in El Salvador for decades. Based in Suchitoto, in the department of Cuscatlán, this nonviolent struggle has many components: grassroots community organizing, large demonstrations, popular education, and hip hop music production—all typically led by peasant communities with strong women’s participation. The message of the struggle is that water is not for sale. […]

“I was born and raised in the northeastern region of Thailand, in a province known as Isan. I grew up in a society that identified itself as the “Red Shirts,” a grassroots movement striving for political and economic democracy. When I turned sixteen, I left Isan to attend high school in Bangkok. It was during this time that I was introduced to feminism and began reading about the struggles faced by women and LGBTQ+ communities in their fight for self-affirmation and the recognition of their traumas.” […]

I became visually impaired two years after my birth due to a genetic disorder resulting from consanguineous marriage. This compelled my family to move to Riyadh in hopes of finding a glimmer of hope for my treatment, which unfortunately did not happen. Nevertheless, my father’s work led us to settle in the Saudi capital. In 2011, multiple revolutions erupted in several Arab countries, including Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen and my homeland, Syria. […]

“This is a glimpse of a story of struggle blended with success and failure, filled with challenges, difficulties, and significant opportunities. I wanted to share these experiences with the esteemed readers of this blog to convey a message to all immigrants on how they can become great ambassadors for their countries, utilizing all spaces and opportunities to enhance themselves and advocate for human rights in their home AND destination countries. […]”

Today, I sit behind my computer screen on the balcony of my home in a city in southern France where I have now settled. I am writing about my experiences and the challenges I have faced since leaving Egypt nearly three years ago. As I write these lines and reflect on what has happened, I realize that it has not yet become a part of the past. My thoughts drift back to three years ago when I was on the balcony of my home in downtown Cairo, […]

On the afternoon of Saturday, April 3, 2021, I received that life-altering call. My mother had passed away in Egypt. The caller offered words of solace, urging me to remain steadfast and pray for her soul, while cautioning against any thoughts of returning to Egypt, knowing all too well the regime’s penchant for imprisoning dissenters upon arrival. At that moment, the reality of my exile hit me with full force. It was exile in its truest form—I was robbed of the opportunity to lay my mother to rest. They stripped away my right to exist in my homeland, denying me the chance to bid a final farewell at her graveside. […]

In the grips of the pandemic I felt like I lost my voice. I went from speaking at colorful climate justice rallies to watching the scudding clouds from my sickbed. In short, I went from being an organizer and cofounder of Extinction Rebellion UK to being disabled by Post Covid Syndrome. Over the last few years I have been dabbling in writing online as a way to find my voice again. It’s a vast world of clickbait, corporate media and quick news cycles that can easily drown out an authentic activist voice. […]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine. The rise of Russian-style hybrid warfare. General receptivity to the idea of nonviolent civilian-based defense (CBD) in Latvia, one of the two Baltic states that share a border with Russia, has never been lower. It was the US Special Operations Forces (US-SOF) and NATO that succeeded in drawing the Latvian state’s attention back to CBD, presented as an integral part of national defense. The question of how to implement this concept, known as “comprehensive defense”, remains rather delicate in Latvia to this day—with the exception of a very convincing defense education project. […]

We were around twenty local residents, members of the association, from various villages located around 120 kilometers from the sugar plantations in central Cameroon. On July 6, 2023, we gathered peacefully in front of the headquarters of a multinational company in Yaoundé’s administrative district to demonstrate our dissatisfaction with the destruction of our crops by the pesticides dumped on the fields by the company’s planes. In protest, we dumped the contaminated and visibly burnt crops-cassava leaves, groundnuts-in front of the agro-industrial company’s head office. […]

Ben Kamuntu belongs to the generation of young Congolese born during the war who have never known peace. From an early age, he had to endure the death of his loved ones, the looting of his family’s possessions and the displacement caused by the war. As an adult, Ben Kamuntu joined the nonviolent citizens’ movement Lutte pour le changement LUCHA to urge the Congolese authorities and the international community to promote peace, justice and freedom in the Democratic Republic of Congo. […]

Last month, a silent march organized by AAR SUNU Élection gathered hundreds of Senegalese to demand the date of the presidential election to be set and political prisoners to be released. A few days after this popular demonstration, the two main demands were met. The Senegalese authorities released the political prisoners and set the election date for this Sunday, March 24. […]

“Despite the independence of African states and the abolition of slavery, African democracies offer very few positive prospects in terms of good governance. The people of Africa are still faced with corruption, democratic backsliding and a range of other ills. As in the past, Africans are not giving up in the face of the predatory oligarchies in power. In many countries, activists and nonviolent movements have emerged to campaign against rulers’ abuse of power and to push nonviolently for good governance. […]”

Trade union membership worldwide has been on the decline for years, and my country, Kenya, is no exception. Does this mean trade unions are no longer relevant actors for social change? Can we no longer expect to see trade unions mobilizing and galvanizing society-wide nonviolent action as we saw in major episodes of nonviolent history like the Polish resistance to Communist rule and Chilean resistance to defeat dictatorship in the 1980s? […]

“Civil defense—a type of generalized, nonmilitary action against occupation and various societal threats—has partly risen recently in Taiwan out of efforts for civilians to have a greater say over defense against the Chinese threat. But civil defense efforts are importantly an outgrowth of Taiwan’s rich history of civil society and social movement activism, as expressed in historical moments such as the 2014 Sunflower Movement or the 1990 Wild Lily Movement, both primarily student-led. […]

I began to explore the problems of West Papua during the COVID pandemic through human rights forums Amnesty International, Tapol.UK, ICNC and other sites. With the extra time I had during lockdowns in 2020 here in France, I launched the bilingual (French/English) blog, Markus Haluk Papua, on the struggle of West Papuans against Indonesian colonization, as a way to engage in activism as a member of the Indonesian diaspora in France. I have always enjoyed writing. I’m committed to using my residency in France, where freedom of expression is recognized, as an asset to this largely overlooked independence struggle. […]

At age 16, I initiated a youth education group, touring high schools and supporting struggling high schoolers. It was the prime of my organizing, and to date, I wish the group had had a structure and stable leadership that enabled it to hang on better after I left. But movement leadership is a dance, and it takes time to learn the steps. Being part of and eventually leading Activista Nigeria, a massive youth movement with a membership of over 10,000 young people, I saw and embodied the movement’s vision. […]

The citizen movement LUCHA was founded in 2012 by young Congolese frustrated by the dramatic situation in their country. LUCHA pursued nonviolent resistance to inform citizens and fuel their outrage, as well as to hold those in power more responsible and accountable. One of the tools they use is called Fatshimétrie, a barometer for assessing the level of fulfilment of commitments and promises made by the head of state to transform the DRC. […]

Last April and at the beginning of this May, a group of about 150 people spent 12 days and nights traveling the roads of south-southeast of Mexico, responding to the National Indigenous Congress’ call to organize a Caravan called “The South Resists”. Hot days and nights, in regions where temperatures can exceed 40 C degrees (104 F); hostile roads, where thousands of people have disappeared without a trace; hours shared with strangers, who eventually became friends, all in response to a call: it is time to organize ourselves to push back against environmental injustice and protect our lives and livelihoods. […]

Whenever I listen to Quintana’s Cancion Sin Miedo, I feel the urge for change. As pointed out by Marshall Ganz, narratives are the art of creating emotions that translate values into actions. When I began participating in movements in El Salvador, every march and action was accompanied by songs from Torogoces de Morazan, Violeta Parra, Residente, and many others. I noticed that the idea of another world in Latin America has always been accompanied by music and creative languages of resistance that create new meanings, make the invisible visible, and invite us to dream, fight, feel, and change. […]

“‘Writing ourselves into humanhood.’ ‘To build towards a more meaningful future.’ ‘A labor of love for our struggle.’ ‘Catharsis…’

“What is your relationship to writing and how is that related to your activism? We received the above responses when we discussed this question with activists we met this past February at the Global People Power Forum, a space for movements and movement-minded organizations to share, learn and advance our collective wisdom. As ICNC and ActionAid Denmark embark on a new collaboration this year, we are going straight to the source. […]”