The Russian invasion of Ukraine. The rise of Russian-style hybrid warfare. General receptivity to the idea of nonviolent civilian-based defense (CBD) in Latvia, one of the two Baltic states that share a border with Russia, has never been lower. It was the US Special Operations Forces (US-SOF) and NATO that succeeded in drawing the Latvian state’s attention back to CBD, presented as an integral part of national defense. The question of how to implement this concept, known as “comprehensive defense”, remains rather delicate in Latvia to this day—with the exception of a very convincing defense education project. […]

“For organizations that are considering initiating movement support activities, what it comes down to “knowing thyself”, strategically assessing the organization’s inner strengths and weaknesses; getting creative and looking outside the box for ways initiate genuine activist engagement based in a practice of solidarity and respect for grassroots agency. As organizations like ICNC and many others can vouch for, it is extremely rewarding work to engage with movements, and it helps your organization grow in ways you never would have imagined. […]”

Last fall, I participated in the Copenhagen People Power Forum, which brought together movement leaders from all over the world to speak with leaders in public, private and humanitarian sectors to critique and advise the forms their solidarity with movements can take. It was an immense effort toward globalizing our struggles, but as with any other recent global gatherings, many invitees from Africa and elsewhere were unable to attend because of visa denials/delays at destination and transitory country embassies. […]

With devastating violent conflicts emerging internationally in the space of three years, it is difficult—perhaps to some, even tone deaf or naïve—to write about nonviolent resistance. Readers are, understandably, less attentive right now to other forms of conflict happening in the world. Violence and war will surely but sadly endure in this human journey we are all on. This does not mean that nonviolent conflict is any less effective […]

რამდენიმე ხნის წინ მეგობრებთან, კოლეგებთან ვსაუბრობდი სამოქალაქო წინააღმდეგობის ისტორიებზე, გამოცდილებებზე და სამწუხაროდ უნდა აღვნიშნოთ, რომ ბევრი ინფორმაცია უბრალოდ იკარგება, იშლება. აქტივისტები არ წერენ საკუთარ გამოცდილებაზე, კამპანიებზე, რაც მომავალი თაობისთვის ცოდნის გადაცემას შეუძლებელს ხდის. […]

Earlier this year, in a meeting with students and colleagues here in Tbilisi, Georgia, we came to a consensus that many important civil resistance stories related to decision-making, specific tactics and defining strategy are frequently lost here. We—activists engaged in movements for democracy, environmental justice, good governance and more—are not writing or documenting enough to create transferable knowledge, so future generations will not know about our country’s civil resistance stories. But with no local resources available to support such “knowledge management” actions, how can we affirm our nonviolent history in the interest of advancing our struggles? […]

Humanity confronts multiple existential crises, with climate change and rising global authoritarianism both at the top of the list. Democratic governments and NGOs have made some headway in addressing these challenges, but unfortunately they have also proven inadequate or insufficient to handle the scale of adversity we face. Yet opportunity remains. When conventional wisdom fails and standard responses seem broken, people can become open to new ideas and innovation, unified in the face of shared threats, and mobilized to play offense. […]

Another presidential election has come and gone in Nigeria, leaving political parties, civil society and a disgruntled electorate in disarray over all the alleged irregularities that were recorded. Bola Tinubu was announced as the president-elect under the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress, by an electoral commission largely viewed as incompetent. Aggrieved parties and ordinary citizens have been demanding transparent judgment or re-election, and they’ve been doing so through nonviolent actions that draw heavily on creativity and humor.

“On June 11, 1963, Thích Quảng Đức, a 65-year-old Buddhist Mahayana monk, arrived in a car along with two other monks at the intersection of Phan Đình Phùng Boulevard and Lê Văn Duyệt Street, a few blocks southwest of the Presidential Palace in Saigon. One monk carried a cushion into the intersection and placed it on the pavement. While Thích Quảng Đức proceeded to walk to the cushion and sit down in a lotus position, another monk carried over a five-gallon can of gasoline and poured it on Thích Quảng Đức, who calmly lit himself on fire. […]”